Below is a copy of a letter sent to Lillooet Council from Pender Island Mayor, Philip Perras, in June, 2026. If there are awards handed out for the Most Informed Mayor, Perras deserves one. His concerns are our concerns.
From: Phil Perras
Sent: June 1, 2026 7:14 AM
To: ubcm@ubcm.ca
Cc: Multiple Recipients
Subject: A Warning to Municipalities: False Independence, Special Advisors, and Local Democracy
Dear Mayor and Council,
I am writing again as part of an ongoing province-wide municipal conversation about accountability, democratic oversight, public safety, and the growing risk that senior governments may be using “independent reviews”, special advisors, emergency systems, police-aligned consultants, media narratives, housing mandates, and cost-downloading to centralize power away from local communities.
Over the past year, I have written to municipalities about E-Comm, RCMP contract policing, Crown disclosure burdens, civil forfeiture, environmental contamination, mental-health crisis response, school policing, housing interventions, and the need for municipal unity.
The recent developments involving School District 61 (SD61) now show why these themes belong together. The developments involving the Greater Victoria School Board are not simply a school board story. They are a warning to every local government in British Columbia.
SD61: A WARNING ABOUT FALSE INDEPENDENCE
The SD61 trustees were removed after standing by their decision to end the School Liaison Officer program and pursue student safety through civilian-led, evidence-based alternatives. That decision followed extensive consultation and aligned with serious concerns raised by the BC Human Rights Commissioner about the impacts of police in schools. Yet the public narrative repeatedly framed the board as unreasonable, ideological, or unwilling to collaborate. Now, after court proceedings and the release of text messages and emails, that narrative has been badly damaged. The Province has agreed to quash the order removing the trustees and reinstate the elected board.
The documents that came to light reportedly included communications between senior Ministry of Education staff, a special advisor appointed to SD61, and senior police officials. Some of those communications included derogatory comments about trustees, protesters, and the BC Human Rights Commissioner. A senior police official reportedly described a senior Ministry official as a “key player” after the board was removed. This should concern every mayor and councillor in British Columbia.
The issue is no longer whether SD61 was simply difficult or ideological. The issue is whether a democratically elected local body was pressured, smeared, and removed through a process that lacked genuine independence. The same people and systems publicly claiming to act for student safety now appear connected to communications that raise serious questions about impartiality, professionalism, and democratic good faith.
The phrase “independent review” can no longer be accepted at face value. Independence must be proven. If a special advisor has authored prior materials supporting the system under dispute, that must be disclosed. If a consultant has financial or professional ties to the policy being promoted, that must be disclosed. If senior government claims a local body is failing to collaborate, the public should be shown exactly what that means, with evidence. Otherwise, “collaboration” becomes coercion by another name.
THE ADVISOR MODEL IS NOW A MUNICIPAL GOVERNANCE RISK
The SD61 case should cause every municipality to re-examine the growing use of special advisors, housing advisors, official trustees, independent reviewers, and provincially ordered reviews.
Housing supply is real. Public safety is real. School safety is real. Emergency communications are real. But real issues can still be used as entry points for centralized control if the process lacks transparency, conflict disclosure, and local democratic safeguards. A special advisor can be helpful. A review can be necessary. A housing target can be legitimate. But each can also become a governance-risk event if it is used to frame a local government as deficient, isolate elected officials, justify structural change, or prepare the public to accept further provincial intervention.
Once an advisor is inserted, the local government may no longer be operating in a normal political environment. Internal disagreements can become evidence of dysfunction. Media coverage can become reputational pressure. Staff-council tensions can become public narratives, and in some cases may be amplified, exploited or even manufactured. Structural changes can be presented as routine modernization. Then an election arrives after the terrain has already shifted. Municipalities should therefore treat every provincially ordered advisor process as a democratic-risk event requiring careful documentation, clear boundaries, and peer support from other local governments.
UNITY, RESTRUCTURING, AND ELECTION-CYCLE RISK
The SD61 board’s real offence appears to have been that it did not collapse under pressure. The trustees stood together, raised funds, went to court, and defended democratic process rather than accept a public narrative that cast them as reckless for doing their job. In doing so, they gave students and the community a powerful lesson: evidence matters, rights matter, and democracy is worth defending even when powerful institutions try to make that difficult. That unity mattered.
It is also why the change to SD61’s electoral model must be examined carefully. A trustee electoral area model, or ward-style model, can be legitimate in principle. Local representation matters. But timing and context also matter. In this case, the move toward a new trustee electoral area model followed the removal of the elected board and took place while an Official Trustee was in place.
Municipalities should therefore ask whether this change was made only to improve representation, or whether it also reduces the likelihood of another unified board standing together against provincial, police, or consultant pressure. Municipalities should not reject trustee electoral areas or ward systems out of hand. But they should insist that such changes never be used as punishment, retaliation, or a quiet method of fragmenting democratic unity after elected officials refuse to comply with a centralized narrative.
The upcoming municipal election cycle gives this issue added urgency. Even lawful changes can have political consequences. Even ordinary bylaws can alter power. Even legitimate housing concerns can become leverage if used to justify broader intervention without sufficient transparency.
Municipalities currently dealing with special advisors, housing advisors, official trustees, independent reviewers, or similar interventions should support one another now. This is especially important where local “drama” begins to emerge around a council, mayor, staff relationship, procedural dispute, public-participation conflict, or governance restructuring.
When media commentary focuses heavily on personalities, tone, blunt comments, walkouts, procedural conflict, or interpersonal drama, councils should pause and ask whether the public is being shown the full structural picture.
- What power is being shifted?
- Who benefits from the shift?
- What checks and balances are being reduced?
- Why now? What role does provincial pressure play in the broader governance climate?
- What is being reported, and what is being left out?
A local government facing a provincial adviser should not be left alone to determine what is normal, excessive, or politically dangerous. Municipalities should compare notes, preserve records, share experiences, and develop professional strategies for protecting local democratic accountability.
WHEN MEDIA NARRATIVES BECOME GOVERNANCE TOOLS
The SD61 case shows that media narratives can become governance tools. A public body can be framed as ideological, dysfunctional, unreasonable, or unsafe. Guests can repeat vague claims without being asked for evidence. Local leaders can be turned into symbols of disorder. Public confidence can be weakened before formal decisions are made. By the time an intervention occurs, much of the public may already be conditioned to accept it.
This is not about shielding elected officials from criticism. It is about ensuring criticism does not become a substitute for evidence, and that personality-based narratives do not distract the public from governance changes with long-term consequences. Local leaders should not wait for perfect information before defending fair process. When a public figure is being smeared, especially where police-linked institutions, media amplification, or senior-government pressure may be involved, mayors and councils can still say: show the evidence, disclose the communications, declare the conflicts, and stop using reputation as a substitute for proof.
When media coverage appears one-sided, residents and local leaders can ask for corrections, request balanced coverage, engage media standards bodies where appropriate, and support independent reporting that asks harder questions. When public officials are attacked without evidence, communities can demand specific examples rather than accepting vague claims that someone was “difficult,” “uncooperative,” or “problematic.” That is how a community stops a smear campaign from becoming policy.
THE SAME PATTERN ACROSS DIFFERENT ISSUES
This connects directly to the issues I have raised in previous letters. When ten South Island municipalities stood together against unfair E-Comm downloading, they demonstrated that unity can force accountability into the open. When municipalities question centralized emergency communications, they are asking who controls public safety, who pays for it, and who answers when the system fails.
When communities face RCMP contract-policing structures where local democratic oversight is limited, they are asking whether local residents can meaningfully govern the services they fund. When Crown disclosure burdens created by senior institutions are downloaded onto municipalities through new staffing pressures, municipalities are entitled to ask why local taxpayers should pay to solve administrative bottlenecks they did not create. When environmental contamination concerns are hidden behind federal or provincial control, municipalities are entitled to ask whether public health is being protected or managed through silence.
And when tragedies occur — whether in Saanich, Lapu-Lapu, Tumbler Ridge, or elsewhere— municipalities are entitled to demand evidence before blame, transparency before narrative, and structure before scapegoating. The common thread is accountability.
PROTECTING THE VULNERABLE BEFORE HARM OCCURS
Accountability must also include how communities respond when vulnerable people are smeared, disbelieved, isolated, or left without protection. In my earlier letter regarding potential collusion concerns in Kamloops, I described a situation involving a vulnerable woman connected to a home where police and bylaw, according to the RCMP, had more than 100 calls for service over several years. I warned that she had reached out for help, that she was being exploited during a serious medical and family crisis, that stolen goods and disorder were accumulating, and that a serious incident could occur if police continued to turn a blind eye.
That concern was not abstract. One incident that had been described in the attached RCMP correspondence involved stolen property reportedly being tracked by GPS to the home. Police attended, spoke with apparent residents, left without immediately recovering the stolen item, and later returned after stolen goods had been placed in a bag at the end of the driveway. In the context of more than 100 calls for service, this raises a serious question: if that situation did not trigger a warrant application, surveillance, escalation, or stronger coordinated intervention, were police in Kamloops trying to turn a blind eye? What threshold were they waiting for?
Later, someone died at that home. The state’s response then appeared to shift toward civil forfeiture, investigating victims, and painting the vulnerable homeowner as the problem rather than asking why meaningful protective intervention had not occurred sooner. The vulnerable woman was further charged in relation to stolen goods, despite the broader context suggesting she may have been exploited by others. I was also investigated by local municipal police in relation to the incident and later charged with harassing communications after trying to explain my side of events during calls that police had invited, then repeatedly disconnected without meaningful reason or explanation.
That situation is not identical to SD61 or to any local governance dispute. But it is connected by a shared moral failure: powerful systems can appear to tolerate harm while it grows, then act quickly to protect themselves once the consequences become visible. The same pattern can appear in public life. When a woman in elected office is subjected to a sustained reputational attack, local leaders should not wait until a court vindicates her before asking whether the public narrative is fair.
Nicole Duncan and the SD61 trustees were not proven reckless by the public narrative against them. They were vindicated after standing together through it. The board did what educators are supposed to do: they resisted tribalism, protected students, acted on evidence, defended democratic process, and refused to let social sorting decide whose safety mattered.
Smear campaigns are not only reputational attacks. They are governance tools. They teach the public who is allowed to lead and who is to be treated as disposable. They discourage others from running for office. They make vulnerable people quieter. They make honest leaders more isolated.
Former Saanich Mayor Richard Atwell also raised concerns years ago about the way police and media narratives were used against him while he was in office. Whether one agrees with every claim made in that case or not, municipalities should now be able to see the pattern more clearly: local leaders who challenge institutional power can be stigmatized, mocked, isolated, and reframed as the problem.
The SD61 revelations should change how every council responds to that tactic.
A CALL FOR MUNICIPAL SAFEGUARDS
I am not asking municipalities to reach criminal conclusions today. I am asking you not to wait until a court has to force the truth into the open before recognizing the pattern. Every municipality should now review its relationship with provincial special advisors, external consultants, police-linked safety experts, housing advisors, and so-called independent reviews. This is especially urgent for local governments already dealing with provincial intervention, policing disputes, emergency-service downloading, housing mandates, environmental concerns, school-board disputes, or governance reviews.
At minimum, municipalities should consider adopting the following safeguards:
Require full conflict-of-interest disclosures from all provincial special advisors, housing advisors, consultants, safety experts, review-panel members, and organizations presented as independent experts. Require written mandates for any special advisor or provincial appointee, including clear limits on authority, reporting obligations, communication rules, and public transparency requirements.
Request preservation and disclosure of communications between all senior officials, agencies, consultants, special advisors, housing advisors, and external stakeholders involved whenever local democratic authority is being challenged. Refuse to treat police-linked, consultant-linked, or politically connected organizations as neutral simply because they are described as “experts.”
Use UBCM and regional tables to share experiences with special advisors, independent reviews, cost-downloads, provincial pressure tactics, housing mandates, and media narratives used against elected officials. Establish a shared municipal protocol for special advisors and provincially ordered reviews, including intake procedures, communication logs, conflict disclosures, council briefings, public updates, and peer support from other municipalities that have already experienced similar interventions.
Demand a fully independent public inquiry or review into the SD61 process, including Ministry communications, police communications, advisor independence, consultant conflicts, the role of Safer Schools Together, and the decision-making that led to the removal of an elected board. Develop community standards for responding to reputational attacks against elected officials, especially women, senior citizens and other leaders who may be targeted through stigma, mockery, or vague allegations instead of evidence.
Identify leadership skills in the community and encourage credible local leaders, educators, advocates, workers, parents, and residents to run for municipal and school board office so that communities are not left dependent on insider networks or recycled institutional narratives. Support mentorship between experienced and new candidates so that fresh faces can enter public life without being isolated, smeared, or captured by existing power networks.
CONCLUSION: THE REAL PRICE IS BECOMING VISIBLE
The upcoming municipal election cycle is an opportunity to strengthen local democracy before more damage is done. Fresh candidates should be encouraged. Experienced leaders should mentor them. Councils should speak with one another openly. Communities should ask who is defending local authority and who is quietly accepting centralized control.
The SD61 trustees have shown what democratic resilience looks like. They stood together under extraordinary pressure, and they were vindicated. Municipalities should honour that example by making sure no local government, school board, or elected official is ever again isolated and over-powered through hidden coordination, reputational attacks, or the misuse of supposedly independent processes.
This is not about left or right. It is not about one school board, one municipality, one ministry, or one mayor. It is about whether democratic institutions in British Columbia still belong to the people who elect them. It is also about whether communities are willing to protect the vulnerable before harm occurs, not only express regret afterward. That includes vulnerable homeowners, victims of exploitation, families in crisis, students affected by school policing, women in public life, and elected leaders who are smeared for refusing to comply with institutional pressure.
Bad actors rely on tribalism. They rely on communities dividing quickly, judging quickly, and abandoning people before evidence is known. The SD61 trustees and their supporters taught the opposite lesson. They showed that unity, evidence, and courage can defeat a false narrative. That is a lesson worth carrying into every council chamber in this province.
British Columbians already pay some of the highest costs for housing, energy, insurance, policing, emergency services, and basic survival. But the deeper price is now becoming visible: loss of democratic control, weakened trust, endangered children, vulnerable people left unprotected, and public institutions that appear more focused on protecting themselves than protecting people. That price is too high.
Municipalities remain the closest democratic institutions to the people. That gives you both a burden and an opportunity. By standing together, demanding transparency, defending fair process, protecting vulnerable people, sharing information about special advisors, and refusing to accept false independence at face value, you can help restore public trust before more harm is done.
Thank you for your service to your communities, and for your continued attention to these issues.
Respectfully,
Philip Perras
Victoria, BC
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